Retiring Arizona Prison Watch...


This site was originally started in July 2009 as an independent endeavor to monitor conditions in Arizona's criminal justice system, as well as offer some critical analysis of the prison industrial complex from a prison abolitionist/anarchist's perspective. It was begun in the aftermath of the death of Marcia Powell, a 48 year old AZ state prisoner who was left in an outdoor cage in the desert sun for over four hours while on a 10-minute suicide watch. That was at ASPC-Perryville, in Goodyear, AZ, in May 2009.

Marcia, a seriously mentally ill woman with a meth habit sentenced to the minimum mandatory 27 months in prison for prostitution was already deemed by society as disposable. She was therefore easily ignored by numerous prison officers as she pleaded for water and relief from the sun for four hours. She was ultimately found collapsed in her own feces, with second degree burns on her body, her organs failing, and her body exceeding the 108 degrees the thermometer would record. 16 officers and staff were disciplined for her death, but no one was ever prosecuted for her homicide. Her story is here.

Marcia's death and this blog compelled me to work for the next 5 1/2 years to document and challenge the prison industrial complex in AZ, most specifically as manifested in the Arizona Department of Corrections. I corresponded with over 1,000 prisoners in that time, as well as many of their loved ones, offering all what resources I could find for fighting the AZ DOC themselves - most regarding their health or matters of personal safety.

I also began to work with the survivors of prison violence, as I often heard from the loved ones of the dead, and learned their stories. During that time I memorialized the Ghosts of Jan Brewer - state prisoners under her regime who were lost to neglect, suicide or violence - across the city's sidewalks in large chalk murals. Some of that art is here.

In November 2014 I left Phoenix abruptly to care for my family. By early 2015 I was no longer keeping up this blog site, save occasional posts about a young prisoner in solitary confinement in Arpaio's jail. I'm deeply grateful to the prisoners who educated, confided in, and encouraged me throughout the years I did this work. My life has been made all the more rich and meaningful by their engagement.

I've linked to some posts about advocating for state prisoner health and safety to the right, as well as other resources for families and friends.

until all are free -

MARGARET J PLEWS (June 1, 2015)
arizonaprisonwatch@gmail.com



INDIGENOUS ACTION MEDIA

INDIGENOUS ACTION MEDIA
ANTICOLONIAL zines, stickers, actions, power

Taala Hooghan Infoshop

Kinlani/Flagstaff Mutual AID

MASS LIBERATION AZ

MASS LIBERATION AZ
The group for direct action against the prison state!

Black Lives Matter PHOENIX METRO

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Showing posts with label transgender. Show all posts
Showing posts with label transgender. Show all posts

Monday, January 26, 2015

Monica Jones' Conviction Overturned in AZ Superior Court!

Hooray!The state will no doubt want to refile charges, so stay tuned. I suspect this isn't over...




Sent: Monday, January 26, 2015 10:20 AM
Subject: ACLU News: Monica Jones Conviction Overturned

Good afternoon,

Crystal here from the ACLU, writing to inform you that Monica Jones’ conviction for manifesting intent to solicit prostitution was overturned today by the Superior Court of Arizona.


Jones was arrested and charged in May 2013 under a Phoenix law that the ACLU and others have argued is unconstitutional. In April 2014 she was convicted and then in August of that year she appealed her conviction. The ACLU filed an amicus brief in support of her appeal and has been supporting her since her arrest. Here is a background blog on her case: https://www.aclu.org/blog/lgbt-rights/when-walking-down-street-crime.

Monica Jones comment:

 
“Today is a great day! My wrongful conviction under the Phoenix manifestation law was vacated this morning. I am so grateful to my legal team and all of my supporters across the country and world. My conviction being vacated is important but it is a small win in our larger fight for justice. There are so many trans women and cisgender women who might be charged under this law in Phoenix and similar laws across the country. There is so much more work that needs to be done so that no one will have to face what I have no matter who they are or what past convictions they have.”

Comments from legal team:

  • Jean-Jacques “J” Cabou, a partner at the law firm of PerkinsCoie who represented Monica in her appeal and argued her case, said: “Monica was convicted in an unconstitutional trial, under an unconstitutional law, of a crime she didn’t commit.  We are incredibly pleased that the appellate court agreed that Monica was unconstitutionally denied the presumption of innocence and that the court vacated her conviction.”                     
     
  • Chase Strangio, a staff attorney with the ACLU’s LGBT & HIV Project, who has been working with Monica for the past year and a half, said: “Like so many trans women of color, Monica Jones was profiled and targeted by police for walking down the street. Today’s reversal of her conviction is an important validation of Monica’s brave fight to be seen and treated like a human being.”
     
  • Dan Pochoda, senior counsel at the ACLU of Arizona, who has also been working on Monica’s case, noted: “Monica Jones was targeted by law enforcement after her public opposition to the coercive treatment of sex workers by Project ROSE. The demise of this Project is based on the inaccurate claim that most adult sex workers are "trafficked" is further vindication of Monica.”
The order can be found here: https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/assets/monica_jones_conviction_reversed.pdf. Happy to connect you to Monica Jones and her legal team for further discussion. You can reach me at 212-519-7894.

Best,

Crystal Cooper
Media Strategist
American Civil Liberties Union
125 Broad St., New York, NY 10004
212.519.7894ccooper@aclu.org

Tuesday, August 19, 2014

Transgender prisoner raped at CCA Eloy Detention Ctr, punished with solitary confinement.

from the transgender law center:

 

ICE Retaliates Against Marichuy, Places Her in Solitary Confinement #freemarichuy

Transgender Law Center
August 11, 2014

ICE Retaliates Against Transgender Woman Raped in Eloy Detention Center by Placing Her in Solitary Confinement Against Her Will; Family and Supporters Continue to Call for Marichuy’s Immediate Release as Her Mental Health Worsens
 
Marichuy Leal Gamino, a transgender woman raped in the privately-run Eloy Detention Center in Arizona, was placed in solitary confinement for two days by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers. Marichuy (legal name: Jesus Leal Gamino, A# 047-283-870) was placed in segregation against her will and as calls for her release escalated with support from over 60 LGBT and immigrant rights organizations nationwide and solidarity actions in Los Angeles and New York.

CLICK HERE TO SIGN THE PETITION TO FREE MARICHUY

According to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, using confinement to protect a threatened population is a punitive measure. Solitary confinement is known to cause severe psychological symptoms, including depression, insomnia, racing thoughts, and hallucinations. For Marichuy, these symptoms were compounded by post-traumatic stress due to her recent assault. On August 4, after two weeks of living in the same detention facility where she was assaulted, she reported feeling suicidal.

Karolina Lopez, a transgender woman formerly detained in Eloy, explains, “What’s happening to Marichuy is not so different from what I went through, or what I saw other trans women in Eloy experience. I was harassed by two men, then placed in solitary confinement. Officials said it was for my own security, but they treated me like I had done something wrong. I almost went crazy, I still have fear of small spaces, and of officials. If ICE actually cares about Marichuy’s security, they should let her go.”

Since Marichuy was first detained in Eloy over a year ago, ICE has failed to provide even a minimum level of safety and dignity. Now, in response to the pressure of public attention, ICE has threatened to send Marichuy to yet another detention facility, further from her family and community in Arizona, instead of using its discretion to release her from detention.

Around the nation, LGBTQ and immigrant communities are calling for Marichuy’s immediate release. A petition to the national ICE headquarters has more than 3,500 signatures, calling on Director Andrew Lorenzen-Strait to free Marichuy as ICE has demonstrated they cannot keep her safe. Over 60 organizations around the country, including the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, the Human Rights Campaign, and the Detention Watch Network, have publicly called for Marichuy’s release back to her family and community, where she can begin to heal from the rape that took place under ICE’s watch.

 CLICK HERE TO SIGN THE PETITION TO FREE MARICHUY

Friday, May 23, 2014

End the solitary confinement of transgender youth, Jane Doe.


REMINDER: There is a Mothers Against Solitary Confinement Rally today at the AZ Capitol (1700 W. Washington St, PHX) at 5pm - please come early if you can but come late if you have to - just come so you can organize with other family members affected by the prison industrial complex.

-----------------

 From Jane Doe to Connecticut Governor Malloy  (May 08, 2014)
(who announced the following day that Jane will be moved to a more appropriate setting ASAP.)


Dear Governor Malloy, I am writing you to let you know that today is my anniversary. I have been sitting in this prison for a month now and there is no plan to get me out. I am suffering in here. I’m having trouble sleeping and I’m not eating much. I cry in bed every night.

I can’t be myself in this place.

I feel forgotten and thrown away. As you probably know, these feeling are not new for me. This is the way my life has been going since I was a little kid. My lawyer says that Commissioner Katz is the only one who can fix this but when I wrote her a letter it didn’t help. She has given up on me. If you’re her boss you can do something, right? Everyone says I need to be somewhere where I can get help and Katz keeps telling everyone that she is working to get me out of here but I don’t believe her. I think this is just another one of her stories that isn’t true. I want to call her a liar but people tell me that I shouldn’t say that about someone important like her. All I know is that she has said a lot of things about me that aren’t true. She was on TV telling people I blinded someone and broke their jaw. That was a lie. She said that she never asked that I go to Manson. That was a lie. She told everyone that I should be going to that new girls program at Riverview. That was a lie. Now she is telling people she is trying to get me out of here but nothing is happening. I hear people talking and they are saying that I am going to be here till I’m 18. I am done with DCF. They just want to make up stuff about me so that everyone thinks I am some kind of wild animal. Is it Ok for them to do this? To just lie about me and throw me in prison and forget about me?

If I was in charge I wouldn’t let this happen. If you’re the Governor then you are in charge of everyone who works for the state. DCF is supposed to be helping me, right? If this is helping me then I’m all set with being helped. I would be a lot better off being on my own. It seems like you’re my last chance to get out of here. 


Don’t forget about me. I can’t take another month of this.

Jane Doe


-----from Mother Jones Magazine-----

"I can't take another month of this."

Mother Jones Magazine

| Fri May 23, 2014 6:00 AM EDT

There is a 16-year-old transgender girl in an adult prison in Connecticut right now. She isn't there to serve a sentence. There are no charges against her. Still, she has been there for more than six weeks, with no indication of when she might be released.

Until last week, the girl, whom I'll call Jane Doe because she is a juvenile, was in solitary confinement in the mental health unit where, according to a letter she wrote, she cried in bed every night. She heard adult inmates crying, screaming, and banging on the walls. A guard observed her day and night, even when she showered or used the toilet. When other inmates caught sight of her, they yelled and made fun of her.

"I feel forgotten and thrown away," she wrote to the governor of Connecticut from her solitary cell. "As you probably know, these feeling are not new for me. This is the way my life has been going since I was a little kid."


The state became involved in Jane Doe's life when she was five, according to her affidavit, because her father was incarcerated and her mom was using crack and heroin. She was born a boy; after she was placed in the care of her extended family, she said, one relative caught her playing with dolls and bashed her head into the wall. She said another relative raped her at age eight, as did others as she grew older. Doe would only allow herself to look like a girl in secret. Around age 11, a relative caught her in the bathroom wearing her dress and lipstick and slapped her, shouting, "You are a boy! What the fuck is wrong with you?"

"I feel forgotten and thrown away. As you probably know, these feelings are not new for me. This is the way my life has been going since I was a little kid."

At 12, the Connecticut Department of Children and Families (DCF) became her legal guardian. While in group homes, she says she was sexually assaulted by staffers, and at 15, she became a sex worker and was once locked up for weeks and forced to have sex with "customers" until she escaped. "I wanted to be a little kid again in my mother's arms and all I wanted was someone to tell me they loved me, that everything would be alright, and that I will never have to live the way I was again."

Here is how Jane Doe ended up in prison. On January 28, while living at a juvenile facility in Massachusetts—where she was serving a sentence for assault—she allegedly attacked a staff member, biting her, pulling her hair and kicking her in the head. This kind of behavior wasn't new for Doe. The director of the Connecticut Juvenile Training School, a correctional facility for boys, later testified in court that, since Doe was nine, police have been called 11 times while she was in state facilities. He said she sometimes smeared feces on herself. Another supervisor claimed Doe regularly "exhibited assaultive behaviors," targeting female staff and other juveniles.

According to Jane Doe's lawyer, Aaron Romano, the most recent incident was sparked when a male staffer at the Massachusetts facility put Doe in a bear hug restraint from behind. "This is a girl who has been sexually abused," Romano says. "She is inclined to interpret actions with that view." DCF declined to comment on the incident, but the female staff member Doe allegedly attacked did not press charges. The male staffer has since been dismissed.

In order to move Doe to an adult prison, DCF cited an obscure statute that allows doing so when it is in the "best interest" of the child. Initially, the state sought to place Doe in a men's prison, but her lawyers objected and she was sent to a women's facility. There, she was placed in solitary confinement because under federal law, juveniles cannot be detained "in any institution in which they have contact with adult inmates."

State officials have been well aware of Doe's situation: In February, DCF commissioner Joette Katz cited her case—incorrectly claiming that she had broken a staff member's jaw—when she asked the Connecticut legislature for funds to open a new girls' prison. She said it showed why high-security facility for juveniles was needed. The legislature appropriated $2.6 million, and the facility has since been opened. But Doe, officials say, is too dangerous to be placed in that facility.

Abby Anderson, executive director of the Connecticut Juvenile Justice Alliance, says Doe's incarceration is the result of a broken system of juvenile care. "We don't have a good sense of where our system has its strengths and weaknesses," she says. One problem, she says, is a lack of adequate mental health care: Government data shows that 52 percent of girls in DCF custody or on parole have trauma disorders, and 89 percent had more than one diagnosed psychological disorder. Anderson says the state also doesn't have enough mechanisms for detecting and preventing sexual abuse. "We need to make sure this system is shored up so this never happens again…If you have a 16 year old, you need to make her feel safe and put her in a place where she can trust people."

DCF declined to comment on the record about the case, but in a press release, the agency said, "There is no identified foster home that can reasonably be expected to safely care for this youth." Romano says people licensed to take foster children in Connecticut and elsewhere have contacted him, offering to take Doe in. He says he passed the information on to DCF, but they have refused the offers.

One month into her confinement, Doe wrote a letter to governor Dannel Malloy. "Is it Ok for them to do this?" she wrote. "If I was in charge I wouldn't let this happen.  If you're the Governor then you are in charge of everyone who works for the state…Don’t forget about me. I can’t take another month of this."

Days after writing the letter, she was transferred out of the prison's mental health unit to another building on prison grounds with access to private recreational space and educational services. But she is still on her own, with no contact with other inmates, and there is still no date for her release.

Friday, April 11, 2014

Guilty of walking while trans in Phoenix: Activist Monica Jones.



At the 2014 Phoenix Pride Parade
this cop actually threatened to arrest me for chalking him- 
which means he was ready to put me in cuffs and drag me off against my will, 
and could have legally killed me if I resisted or tried to flee. 
Hell, he'd probably get a promotion for killing me.
Anyway, how is it that cops think arresting people isn't violent?
Moreover, how could all these social workers and community non-profits 
dedicated to serving marginalized people 
stand by and not call that out as violence as well?
 

I will save my comments for a separate post in which they won't be directly linked to  SWOP-Phoenix or Monica Jones, because I don't speak for either and I won't be as polite as this press release is about the injustice I witnessed today. Monica, however, was an awesome witness and advocate for human rights in court today, and is dealing with the verdict with more grace than I could ever hope to muster. 

Blessings to all the good friends who turned out to support today, and those around the world who have been raising hell about the violence that is ASU's Project Rose

Oh, and come to this talk on April 17th with all your questions and concerns for the ASU school of Social Work. The talk is by the architect of Project Rose; what a fitting conclusion to ASU"s "2014 Humanities Lecture Series", as we all have so much to learn from her.

"Dominique Roe-Sepowitz will conclude the spring 2014 Humanities Lecture Series at ASU’s Downtown Phoenix campus with her presentation, “Sex Trafficking In Arizona.” Hosted by the School of Letters and Sciences, the lecture starts at 6:30 p.m., April 17, at the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication, room 128, 555 N. Central Ave., Phoenix." (https://asunews.asu.edu/20140409-az-sex-trafficking-lecture)

See you all there!
--------------------

BREAKING from SWOP-Phoenix
Contact: Margie Diddams, 480-553-3777,
swop.phx@gmail.com

Guilty Verdict for Monica Jones Reveals Broken Legal System: 
Urgent Need For Action

PHOENIX--- Over 50 supporters rallied in front of the Phoenix Court house this morning in support of ASU student and anti-1062 activist Monica Jones. Ms. Jones was facing unjust charges of “manifestation of intent to prostitute,” a vague and discriminatory law that criminalizes activities like waving at cars, talking to passersbys, and inquiring if someone is a police officer. The ACLU of Arizona joined Jones’ lawyer in contesting the constitutionality of the manifestation statute. Dan Pochoda of the ACLU explained in his arguments, “The statute eviscerates first amendment rights.” In a packed courtroom filled with supporters wearing “I Stand With Monica Jones: Stop Profiling Trans Women of Color” t-shirts, the judge found Ms. Jones guilty based solely on the statements of the police officer who targeted Monica for her race and gender. Supporters across AZ and the nation are in an uproar about the injustice of this ruling.

In Arizona and across the country, trans women of color like Ms. Jones are routinely profiled and swept up in the criminal justice system on prostitution-related charges, due to a phenomenon many call “Walking While Trans”---a widely held belief by law enforcement and others that all transgender women are criminals.  Because of the injustice that leads people to take pleas against their best interest due to lack of community support, Ms. Jones decided she was going to fight the charges, so that no more trans women, sex workers, or people profiled as sex workers would have to face these injustices. Ms. Jones has remained adamant about her innocence, and that sex workers need rights, not arrests. Ms. Jones stated after the verdict, “As an African American and as a woman, the justice system has failed me.”

In light of this devastating ruling, SWOP Phoenix (Sex Worker Outreach Project) and Monica Jones will fight the case in an appeals process, while building national and international momentum against unjust policies that target trans women, people of color, and sex workers. SWOP Phoenix is calling on people from around the country to keep demanding justice for Ms. Jones. Meanwhile, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders is monitoring the trial as an example of discriminatory policing and retaliation on activists organizing for human rights.

Ms. Jones states, “I am saddened by the injustice that took place at my trial this morning, but we are not giving up the fight. It’s time that we end the stigma and the criminalization of sex work, the profiling of trans women of color, and the racist policing system that harms so many of us.”

Tuesday, March 4, 2014

Call to action: March 14 - Stand with Monica Jones.

Monica Jones should not have to go to court to fight wrongful charges resulting from a discriminatory and arbitrary arrest stemming from a department in which she studies.

to have the charges against Monica dropped.

In case she does go to court, though, we plan to stand with her. 
Her trial begins March 14, 2014 at 8:30 in courtroom 607. 
 Meet outside the Phoenix Municipal Courthouse at 7:45am if you can.
 
If you want a T-shirt, need a ride, or have a question, feel free to contact Peggy at arizonaprisonwatch@gmail.com or 480-580-6807


 
this is MOnica Jones

JOIN MONICA JONES ON MARCH 14: TAKE ACTION FOR THE RIGHTS OF TRANS PEOPLE AND SEX WORKERS

The Best Practices Policy Project, the Desiree Alliance and Global Action for Trans* Equality are calling for US-wide and international action on March 14, 2014 to support Monica Jones’ campaign for the rights of transgender people and sex workers.

Monica Jones, a human rights defender in Arizona and an advocate for the rights of transgender people and sex workers, was profiled and wrongfully arrested for “manifestation of prostitution” by a police sting operation and anti-prostitution diversion program known as “Project ROSE”. Ms Jones had been a speaker at a rally protesting Project ROSE—which is run by Phoenix police and Arizona State University’s School of Social Work—the day before. At the time of her arrest, she was not engaging in sex work, but was in fact walking down her street to the local bar.

On March 14 at 8.30 am (US Mountain Standard Time) Monica’s case will go to trial at Phoenix Municipal Court. She will plead not guilty and an action is planned outside the court to show the City of Phoenix Prosecutor that we won’t tolerate the systematic profiling and criminalization of transgender people of color and sex workers. Simultaneously on March 14, two sex worker rights advocates will be at the United Nations in Geneva to bring international attention to Monica’s trial and the ongoing human rights violations occurring in Phoenix and across the United States.

We call on people and organizations across the United States, in the region and internationally to show your support for Monica Jones and the issues she cares about. We encourage individuals, organizations, and communities to acknowledge the day in whatever way they feel safe in doing to raise awareness, to learn and share about the issues (it could be by viewing online coverage from the United Nations, it could be through social media action, by sharing a meal, organizing a public action, writing a letter to the press, through art and so on).

Please email us at bestpracticespolicyproject @ gmail.com and director@desireealliance.org to tell us about the action you plan and if you would like us to highlight your action on our websites. If you wish to add your organization’s name to this call, email us and we would be happy to do so.

More information about the case, Monica’s trial and the UN action can be found at:

https://www.facebook.com/events/477216822384806/

http://www.bestpracticespolicy.org/2014/01/10/phoenix-calling-the-united-nations-new-iccpr-report/

http://www.swopphoenix.org/monica/

The hashtags #standwithMonica and #notyourrescueproject are being used for social media.

Update on ongoing harassment of Monica: Since refusing to plead guilty to the charges she is innocent of, Ms. Jones has been targeted four additional times by police officers while walking around her neighborhood carrying out everyday activities such as bringing groceries home or heading to her local bar. Each time, the police use insulting and transphobic language and threaten her with arrest, despite the fact that she is doing nothing more than simply walking outdoors. Across the U.S. and in Phoenix, transgender people of color are routinely targeted for harassment and hate-motivated violence, by both police and the public, and are frequently profiled as sex workers by police. Transgender people are also targeted for cruel treatment in prisons, including by guards.

Ms. Jones states, “I believe I was profiled as a sex worker because I am a transgender woman of color, and an activist. I am a student at ASU, and fear that these wrongful charges will affect my educational path. I am also afraid that if am sentenced, I will be placed in a men’s jail as a transgender woman, which would be very unsafe for me. Prison is an unsafe place for everyone, and especially trans people.

Monica Jones should not have to go to court to fight wrongful charges resulting from a discriminatory and arbitrary arrest stemming from a department in which she studies. Sign the petition to have the charges against Monica dropped.

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

SWOP-Phoenix: Stop profiling trans women of color! Support Monica Jones!

From our comrades at the Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP) Phoenix.  Please all signt he pledge - it'll put you on the mailing list for further actions.

Monica's trial is March 14, 2014.



"Dear Friends and Supporters,

As many of you know, Monica Jones was targeted in last year's anti-prostitution raids as part of the prostitution diversion initiative, Project ROSE- a collaboration between the ASU School of Social Work and local law enforcement. SWOP Phoenix and Monica's support team are gearing up for Monica's trial, and trying to get her story out wide and far. Please go to the webpage linked below and read the letter detailing Project ROSE and Monica's story. This letter also details our demands for an end to racist and transphobic policing, an end to Project ROSE, and justice for Monica Jones.

We ask that you please sign the pledge to support Monica, and help us circulate her story widely. http://www.swopphoenix.org/monica/"

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

No one is disposable: Spade, Gossett on Prison Abolition in practice.



QUEER PRISON WALLS
chalk art by Margie Diddams
Photography by Margaret Jean Plews
Phoenix City Hall (02/26/2103)



UPCOMING EVENT:

No One is Disposable: Everyday Practices of Prison Abolition

Reina Gossett and Dean Spade

Feb 7, 2014 | 4:00PM 
Online at bcrw.barnard.edu 
Co-Sponsors: Sylvia Rivera Law Project

Event Informaton

In a series of four short online videos produced by BCRW, activists Reina Gossett and Dean Spade discuss prison abolition as a political framework, exploring why this is a top issue for those committed to supporting trans and gender-nonconforming people. These videos look at how to build societies where the process of creating justice is as important as the end—communities where no one is exiled. Watch the videos here. Captions are available on YouTube.

On February 7th at 4PM EST we invite you to join us for an online discussion based on these videos. Reina and Dean will join BCRW in our first ever online event, co-sponsored by the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, to answer questions about prison abolition and its intersections with queer and trans movements. Register today and join us for this exciting experiment in creating online learning spaces that contribute to activist conversations.

Reina Gossett is an artist and activist who works as Membership Director of the Sylvia Rivera Law Project. Dean Spade is the founder of the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, author of Normal Life: Administrative Violence, Critical Trans Politics and the Limits of the Law, and an associate professor at Seattle University School of Law. He is currently a fellow in the Engaging Tradition Project at Columbia Law School.


Reina Gossett + Dean Spade (Part 1): Prison Abolition + Prefiguring the World You Want to Live In from BCRW Videos on Vimeo.


Reina Gossett + Dean Spade (Part 2): Practicing Prison Abolition Everyday from BCRW Videos on Vimeo.


Reina Gossett + Dean Spade (Part 3): What About the Dangerous People? from BCRW Videos on Vimeo.


Reina Gossett + Dean Spade (Part 4): Gun Control + Producing Dangerousness from BCRW Videos on Vimeo.

Saturday, November 2, 2013

STAND WITH MONICA JONES: Project Rose is Violence!


(Edited November 10, 2013) 

When I first put up this blog post, I didn't realize how toxic the environment was in which the debate between sex worker rights activists and anti-traffickers has been taking place these past several years. It was not my intent to polarize local parties even further by focusing so much on the person who developed and implemented Project Rose, as opposed to simply critiquing the methods the program employs to rescue people. The edits made in this post account for that concern.

I also didn't intend to diminish the reality that there are many lives torn apart by human trafficking, whether or not the labor exploited and stolen is sexual in nature. There are enough in the business who would choose a diferent line of work, given the option, that I don't want to minimize that reality, either. In a truly healthy economy, people would have more choice and mobility.

Sex work really isn't for everyone - but those who do work in the field deserve respect, safety and protection from exploitation and violence. I don't see how Project Rose does anything for them but expose them to even more state violence than they otherwise would be...and it seems as if Social Work should be very much concerned with the principle of "first do no harm" when professional interventions are designed for public policy and private lives. I was a social work student for many years myself, and Project Rose runs counter to so much I learned about social work ethics.

I still adamantly object to a program design which casts a large net to round everyone up in handcuffs and sorts through who gets to be free and who goes to jail later. It "liberates" some at the expense of others, and does immeasurable harm to those arrested in the end.  That said, I hope readers who take issue with Project Rose - particularly those of you who are ASU students, will still raise your concerns with Professor Roe, but please do so in a respectful  way which allows the dialogue to continue. I don't think her ultimate objective is to hurt anyone, by any means, and I hope there is at least some common ground we can agree on...like the principle that consensual sex workers and their allies also deserve to be free of violence, and thus Project Rose should offer everyone assistance, regardless of priors or other factors, and arrest no one (especially not those of us protesting it). If the people behind Project Rose could at least agree to that much, we will have made progress.


Peggy Plews


 SWOP-Phoenix Activist Monica Jones
 
  

Last May I joined the  Phoenix Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP-Phoenix) in a protest of Project Rose, a Phoenix Police prostitution sting operation that purports to rescue victims of sex trafficking, and claimed not to arrest those voluntary sex workers swept up in its net (See: Cracking down on sex trafficking by not arresting prostitutes). My friends and I were not terribly well-received, and the day after our protest - which was the second day Project Rose was operating - one of our transgender friends who was out there with us, Monica Jones, was even arrested for "manifestation" of the intent to commit prostitution for accepting a ride to the bar in her own neighborhood.


Specifically, the Phoenix Police say that under the Phoenix Municipal Code, she is guilty of this:

23-52 Prostitution, soliciting an act of prostitution and related offenses.

A.    A person is guilty of a misdemeanor who: 


3. Is in a public place, a place open to public view or in a motor vehicle on a public roadway and manifests an intent to commit or solicit an act of prostitution. Among the circumstances that may be considered in determining whether such an intent is manifested are: that the person repeatedly beckons to, stops or attempts to stop or engage passersby in conversation or repeatedly, stops or attempts to stop, motor vehicle operators by hailing, waiving of arms or any other bodily gesture; that the person inquires whether a potential patron, procurer or prostitute is a police officer or searches for articles that would identify a police officer; or that the person requests the touching or exposure of genitals or female breast;  


The first time I put this post up, I did some speculating about the mindset of the Phoenix Police when they decided to arrest Monica. My comments were kind of inflammatory and probably unfair to the arresting officer, so I've taken them down. The truth is, I don't know what the PPD was thinking - maybe they weren't thinking at all. I can't believe they thought we would all quietly go away after this. 

It's possible the cop who did the dirty work is the one who made the call to target her while he was driving through her neighborhood, and thought she was really out hooking. I'm skeptical of the arresting officer's veracity and his bias about transgender people, though, having read the report. For one thing, even though Monica's driver's license identifies her as female, the cop identified her using male pronouns throughout the entire police report - he really felt she should be clearly identified as a man, not a woman. And there are a few variations between his version (or interpretation of events) and hers.



I'm more inclined to think that the commander made the decision the day before after they identified her at the protest and saw that she had a prior - which is what makes her so vulnerable to that "manifestation" charge: they apparently use a prior offense as evidence that you intended to commit that crime again. I guess it's possible that her neighborhood was on their map of areas to target, but it seems awfully coincidental that the Project Rose officers were lurking around there.


  In any case, here's pretty much what went down: The day after our protest, Monica got dressed up and decided to go to the bar.  She's on her way, by foot (through her own neighborhood, mind you), when this guy pulls up in front of her, literally blocking her path, and offers her a ride. She has a mile yet to walk to the bar and was bothered by another dude in the area, so she figures "either this guy is a cop and I've got a safe ride, or he's someone who might buy me a drink when we get there", and she gets in.


Almost immediately the guy starts propositioning her, asking how much she wants for a sex act. Monica wasn't working, though - besides, she knew full well what was going down with Project Rose; he must have been disappointed that she wouldn't take his bait. This guy kept being really pushy, too, so she asked him "look are you a cop? Because there's this sting going down and you really need to be more careful about asking those kinds of things..." He was obviously a cop.

The guy insists several times that he's not a cop, though, as he passes by Monica's bar, and keeps going when she says "turn here!" "stop!" "I want to get out!". So what was she supposed to think? If he wasn't a cop, then he was in the process of abducting her, so she grabs his..umm..male organ,  having every reason to be concerned for her safety now (what would you do if you thought you were being kidnapped? That's better than going for the jugular...). Of course, in his report Officer John made that moment sound like a sex act. At that point he gave his buddies the signal to pull him over, and they arrested
her for trying to solicit him.

The cops took Monica (in cuffs) to Project Rose's HQ at the Bethany Home Bible Church, where she asked for an attorney, and was introduced to the prosecutor, who threatened to send her to jail that night if she didn't agree to participate in their program. She was not entitled to consult an attorney before deciding whether or not to sign away her rights and enter the diversion program (which is an implied admission of guilt). 




Monica had already been through a diversion program, though, which they soon discovered - that disqualifies you from ever being diverted from the criminal system again (that's how they sort out the "victims" from the "repeat offenders"  - the  "real prostitutes" who they apparently do feel belong in jail). She also would have been disqualified from the program if she had so much as a baggie they thought once held pot in it. After detaining and processing Monica that night, though, they released her without charges...that is, until this fall, when they sent her a summons to answer the charge of "manifestation".

This is no small thing. Monica is facing up to 6 months in jail and a $2,500 fine - with a minimum mandatory of 30 days in jail.  Even if the judge doesn't think imprisonment is appropriate, with a conviction she would lose not only her freedom, but also her student loans and class standing, as well as her safe, affordable housing. Now, I ask the perpetrators of Project Rose: just how are you "saving" trafficking victims with this program again? Are you sure it isn't inadvertently hurting anyone?

As a transgender woman who would be locked up in a male facility, Monica faces infinitely higher levels of violence, abuse and exploitation from both prisoners and officers than cisgender people are when incarcerated. She would be forced to remain in solitary confinement for her own safety through the course of her imprisonment - which still doesn't protect prisoners from lecherous guards and the jail trustees. She would have to endure the special "care" of Joe Arpaio's gracious deputies, who are known for beating up some of thier mentally ill prisoners in restraints, and killing others through overt violence or deliberate indifference, among other things.

The law that Monica is being prosecuted under assumes that certain things she did that day: walking in a "high-vice area", accepting a ride from a stranger, asking the man who was propositioning her repeatedly for sex if he was a cop, and making physical contact with his, um, sex organ - were motivated by the
intent to trade sex for money. Now, how do they prove criminal intent? They'll point to her prior conviction for a prostitution charge as evidence of that intent: after all, "Once a whore always a whore". They may even use her statement from the protest the day before - she, like myself - believes sex work should be legalized. Does that mean she was out hooking the next day herself? C'mon, guys - you know she wasn't.

If anything, the fact that this arrest went down during Project Rose - the day after she publicly criticized the sting - should have been evidence enough to the cops that Monica WASN'T attempting to solicit anyone  - she knew full well what they were up to. They should have been wary that SHE might be stinging them when they went after her - none of us would be so stupid, though, as to deliberately bait a Vice operation.


Even if the cops who picked Monica up were totally oblivious to her role in the protest the day before, Daniel Garcia, the Chief of Police and Aarón J. Carreón-Aínsa, the Phoenix City Prosecutor, are well aware of the back-story to this arrest now - and yet these charges still stand. What does that tell you about the overall "intent" and integrity of  Project Rose?


 Can't miss Monica standing tall, even in this one...
(May 2013: Protesting Project Rose)

Interestingly, given that some of these Project Rose arrests are being based on assumptions about the target's "intent" behind non-criminal behaviors and their response to having someone aggressively proposition them for a sex act, the Phoenix Police department apparently decided not to record any of their cops in the act of setting these people up - or any of these people actually committing their crime. I guess they know that in court their testimony alone always wins against some streetwalker's version of events - and a recording might contradict the good officer's word, so they made sure not to have any way for these women to defend themselves if they alleged the officers version ws inaccurate. That alone brings the validity and credibility of Project Rose arrests into question.


I recently wrote to the professor at the Arizona State University School of Social Work who is supervising the academic/research side of Project Rose about my concerns for Monica and the charges she's facing. She never responded to it, though. ASU insists that Project Rose first does no harm...of course, we can see from Monica's prosecution that this assertion isn't true at all - they appear to be going out of their way at the Phx PD to do my friend as much harm as possible for challenging them.


Project Rose is also embraced by a host of non-profit organizations in the valley, most of which serve populations at high risk of victimization by state violence. They're all collaborating with the cops in the worst kind of way, encouraging violence against sex workers by lining up to have the police deliver their prospective clients to them in a church basement in handcuffs and tears, so they're more receptive to the great services those kind people have to offer them. I think those agencies are being paid from anti-trafficking funds for the time they give to Project Rose, by the way, but don't quote me on that.


Shame on all of those organizations (including ASU, Catholic Charities, EMPACT, Community Bridges, and HealthCare for the Homeless , StreetlightUSA, and ALERT) - beginning with the biggest provider of services to homeless youth in the valley, Tumbleweed. Most of these agencies appear to have a bunch of cops, prosecutors, and big business CEOs on their boards of directors - no wonder they don't know what they're doing. And they all seem to be quite happy to be in bed with the Phoenix Police - how can they really be serving the vulnerable populations that are most violated by the police, then? Word must be out on the street that these places can't be trusted by now.


Anyway, if you're hungry and homeless and you call Tumbleweed for a crisis outreach team to take you to a homeless shelter, you better make sure you don't have a warrant out for your arrest: before they come to your aid those nice people at Tumbleweed are going to call the cops to see where you stand with them - and to tell them where to grab you if you're wanted. I was floored. I had to drag it out of them, but they really told me that when I called them about a homeless 18 year old kid getting out of prison the other day.  They said "well, we can't have people up in here who have warrants out for them." That doesn't mean you have to call the cops on them yourself, though! What a violation of trust.


Now, why should homeless and runaway youth ever ask these people for help?  They seem far more interested in their corporate image than the safety and survival of their clientele, and clearly lack a meaningful, critical analysis of how state violence plays out against the youth they serve.  They certainly don't seem to understand the basics of street outreach and harm-reduction, with these kinds of policies and their cozy "partnerships" with the police. Far too often the people who are there to help those kids only do them harm by involving the police. Good intentions can even kill.

Project Rose has already been roundly criticized in a well-respected professional journal, AFFILIA - and I expect more to hit the presses soon. Please read that article if you still believe programs like this "help" more people than they hurt, or that the harm they do to some is worth the good they do for others. There are far more effective outreach programs to help people who are really being trafficked against their will, and the
best jail "diversion" program for sex workers would be to simply legalize prostitution altogether. It would certainly undermine those who are trafficking others by bringing the entire sex work industry out of the shadows, making it safer for victims to ask for help.


The City of Phoenix needs to drop these charges against Monica now, before it takes any more of a toll on her. The intent of prosecuting her seems not only to punish her, but to silence anyone who would publicly call this project what it is - a conspiracy between cops and social workers to lock up people they think are "willing whores". They had to charge Monica for "manifesting" her "intent" because she wasn't actually doing anything criminal - they know full well she wasn't out there prostituting during their sting, and that she had every reason to think their buddy was indeed a cop.  This prosecution is malicious - and when she beats it, she's going to have one hell of a good wrongful arrest suit on her hands.

Monica's next court date (we thought it would be her trial, but it's a pre-trial) is November 27, 2013 at the Phoenix Municipal Court. Tune into SWOP-PHX to keep up on what's happening, and visit our INDIEGOGO page to support Monica's defense - though I'm going to be really pissed off if the city makes us spend all that money on a lawyer just to motion to dismiss this garbage...



(note: I made prior reference to Monica being Dr. Roe-Sepowitz' student - she never was. She's an ASU student planning to major in social work, and had simply spoken to Professor Roe before about Project Rose).

Saturday, October 12, 2013

NAACP to Charles Ryan re: Endangered Prisoners (Gay/Trans safety).




QUEER PRISON WALLS
chalk art by Margie Diddams
Photography by Margaret Jean Plews
Phoenix City Hall (02/26/2103)



RYAN'S RESPONSE to this letter (10/10/13) is HERE



Over the course of the past few years I've received extensive correspondence from prisoners who report being extorted, assaulted, raped, coerced, exploited, and so on in the general prison population who were seeking protective custody, which is what the letter below is responding to. The letters from transgender women in men's prison being denied protective segregation have been most urgent and compelling. 

Thus there is a focus on the needs of gay men and transgender women in the men's prisons in my work with prisoners that may seem to minimize the safety concerns of transgender people, bi-sexual women, and lesbians in the women's prison, Perryville. Those issues are addressed to some degree in the overview of literature and research Dianne did in this letter, but what happens at Perryville deserves it's own letter - and first I need to organize with those prisoners more.

I attempted to address issues with the AZ DOC that I was seeing affect a large number of gay men and transgender women in their custody reporting they are in danger, but they declined to really converse with me about it, and they continued to deny many of these individuals' protective custody placements despite compelling arguments. Frustrated with the case-by-case way I was handling gay and transgender prisoners' complaints in the men's prisons (and losing), I turned to some folks in the community for help figuring out how to best help them.

Several concerned parties have been meeting in the community for the past several months, now, while corresponding with this group of prisoners. The letter below (researched and authored by National Lawyer's Guild and NAACP volunteer Dianne Post) and a growing network of support is what we have to show for our work. 

Hooray for the NAACP for stepping up for queer people's rights and putting this on their letterhead without hesitation! I think this may be historic. Since sending this letter, numerous individuals and community organizations have offered to sign on as well. We will soon be issuing a statement from that larger group endorsing this document and asking to be part of the conversation about queer prisoner safety. Ryan, not surprisingly, has yet to respond to the NAACP. You'd think he'd know better than to ignore these folks on questions of civil rights violations

Those of you interested in joining a collective working on this issue, please contact me. We're organizing as the Seawright Prison Justice Project - please friend and message me if you're on Facebook.  My number is 480-580-6807.Our next meeting is October 22, 2013 at 7pm at my place.

Big thanks goes out to all those prisoners who have offered to tell their stories far and wide, whatever the risk, to improve the circumstances of the rest of their brothers and sisters behind bars. They are the real heroes.

 Any LGBTI prisoner currently seeking protective custody should add this letter to their 805 claim as supporting evidence of their exquisite vulnerability to violence in custody. If you know a prisoner for whom this letter may apply, please send it to them and ask them to write to me, Peggy Plews, at PO Box 20494 Phoenix AZ 85036.

 

-------------------------------------




9 September 2013


Director Charles Ryan
Arizona Department of Corrections
1601 W Jefferson St
Phoenix, AZ 85007


   Re:  Treatment of LGBTI prisoners


Dear Director Ryan,


We contact you today as civil rights organizations and persons who are concerned about the treatment of LGBTI prisoners in the Arizona Department of Corrections.  We hope that we can resolve this issue with the Department through a consultative, community participation process that results in a win/win solution.


We have complaints from eighteen LGBTI prisoners.   The complaints come from Lewis, Tucson, Florence, Yuma, and Eyman, and from several different yards within those prisons. Complainants report having been moved multiple times and encountering similar problems across the prison system. Thus the problem seems to be widespread and statewide.


The complainants are four Caucasians, five Mexican-Americans, five Native Americans, two Mexican Nationals, and two African-Americans.  Eleven identify as gay and seven as transgender persons. Of the seven transgender prisoners, five identify as Native American, one as Mexican- American, and one as Caucasian.  Because almost all of the transgender complainants are Native American, we think perhaps there may be ethnic discrimination occurring here as well as LGBTI discrimination.


Of those complainants, fourteen have made requests for protective segregation, and four were already approved for PC as of the time they contacted work group members. Of those fourteen who have requested PC, only six have been approved (two within the past two weeks who remain in detention cells awaiting placement). Most of those approvals for PC occurred only after numerous denials and aggressive intervention from the outside. Eight prisoners are still trying to get into safer housing.  Eleven of the PC requesters report that they have already been victims of prison violence; the rest have at least been threatened with violence.

Eight of the PC requesters received at least one violation for Refusing to House when staff declined to process their refusal as an 805 request instead. Refusing to house is a major disciplinary violation, which increases prisoners' custody levels and has resulted in seven of the eighteen gay/trans prisoners being  housed in maximum security settings, (six in the Supermax facility, and one in Florence Central). It's questionable how many of those maximum security placements are appropriate, especially since three gay/trans individuals so placed are scored as medium security prisoners.


Danger to LGBTI persons in correctional institutions.


It is undisputed that prison is a very dangerous place for the LGBTI population, and that they are extremely vulnerable inmates for whom the prison administration must take special care to protect.  Jamie Fellner, a member of the national PREA commission, stated, “ (T)hat pervasive sexual violence in prison happens because of poor management, bad policies, and a lack of commitment to preventing it.”   Two main concerns are initial placement for transgendered and intersex persons (male or female prisons) and placement in general or protective custody.    Obviously, ADOC is well aware that homosexuals are targeted for physical, sexual or verbal abuse in prison as this was your argument for your policy in Whitmire v. Arizona, 298 F.3d 1134 (9th Cir. 2002).  


Some prisoners state that they do not want protective custody because it makes them more vulnerable to harassment and assault by correctional officers and it restrains their liberty and access to vocational and recreational programs.  Doe v. Bell, # 112508/02, Supreme Court of the State of NY, County of NY, January 7, 2003, ruled that it’s not enough to provide one small place for LGBTI to go to, the institution must provide safety for all inmates in all places.


Every person who was interviewed in the study reported some form of harassment and/or assault during imprisonment including verbal harassment, physical and sexual assault, humiliation, prostitution and rape by guards and other employees as well as by prisoners often with the tacit permission of the guards.  Group showers were extremely dangerous for this population.


Forced sexual acts puts the LGBTI population at extremely high risk for sexually transmitted diseases, especially when condoms are prohibited, including HIV and hepatitis, both of which are widespread in U.S. correctional facilities.  Many LGBTI prisoners who were infected then complained of denial of basic care and discriminatory providers.  Untreated transsexual prisoners have a suicidality of 20-30%, which is reduced to 1-2% after treatment.


Joseph Eldridge, # 14748 has filed a very similar complaint against AZ DOC on April 30, 2013, 2:13-cv-00888-DGC-AFM, alleging sexual victimization, physical assault and complicity by the guards.  


In 2011-12, an estimated 4.0% of state and federal prison inmates and 3.2% of jail inmates reported experiencing one or more incidents of sexual victimization by another inmate or facility staff in the past 12 months or since admission to the facility, if less than 12 months. Patterns of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization in 2011-12 were consistent with patterns in past surveys. Rates reported by prison and jail inmates were higher among females than males, higher among whites than blacks, and higher among inmates with a college degree than those who had not completed high school. Among state and federal prison inmates, an estimated 6.3% of those identified with serious psychological distress reported that they were sexually victimized by another inmate. In comparison, among prisoners with no indication of mental illness, 0.7% reported being victimized by another inmate.


Among heterosexual males, an estimated 3.5% reported being sexually victimized by another inmate. In comparison, among males who were bisexual, 34% reported being sexually victimized by another inmate. Among males who were homosexual or gay, 39% reported being victimized by another inmate.


Female heterosexual inmates reported lower rates of inmate-on-inmate victimization (13%) and staff sexual misconduct (4%) than female bisexual inmates (18% and 8%, respectively).  Among female homosexual or lesbian inmates, the rate of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization was similar to that for female heterosexual inmates (13%), while the rate of staff sexual victimization was at least double (8%) that for female heterosexual inmates (4%).


The rate of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization for males was higher among non-Hispanic white inmates (5.9%) and inmates of two or more races (9.5%) than non- Hispanic black inmates (2.9%).  Among male former state prisoners, the rates of staff sexual misconduct were higher for those of two or more races (11.3%) and black non-Hispanics (6.5%) than for white non-Hispanics (4.5%) and Hispanics (4. 0%).


The rate of staff sexual misconduct was higher for male inmates ages 20 to 24 (7. 9%) than for male inmates ages 25 to 34 (5.2%), ages 35 to 44 (3.5%), and age 45 or older (2.0%).  Among female former state prisoners, rates of staff sexual misconduct were lower for those ages 35 to 44 (3.1%) and age 45 or older (1.6%), compared to those ages 20 to 24 (6.7%).


Most victims of staff sexual misconduct (87%) reported only perpetrators of the opposite sex. Among victims of staff sexual misconduct, 79% were males reporting sexual activity with female staff. An additional 5% were males reporting sexual activity with both female and male staff.  Among male former inmates, inmate-on-inmate and staff-on-inmate victimization rates were higher in facilities under a court order or consent decree, higher in facilities reporting a major disturbance in the twelve months prior to the most recent facility census, higher in facilities with medium or greater security levels, and higher in facilities with a primary function of housing general population than in facilities without these characteristics.  Among former inmates who had been tested for HIV (90%), those who had been sexually victimized by other inmates or by staff had significantly higher percentages for HIV positive (6.5% and 4.6%, respectively) than those who had not been victimized (2. 6%).


From this U.S. government data, it is clear that both men and women are at risk from both inmates and guards.  White men are more at risk from inmates, men of color from guards.  The LGBTI population, both male and female, is at higher risk than the heterosexual population.  


The Center for Evidence-Based Corrections at the University of California-Irvine examined violence in correctional centers finding in 2007 that 41 percent of transgender inmates face violence, compared to two percent among a random sample of inmates in the same California prisons. Nationwide, the Bureau of Justice Statistics said in a report recently that an estimated four percent of state and federal prison inmates were sexually victimized by prison staff between 2011 and 2012. The rate of sexual victimization among prisoners themselves was lower: 2.4 percent.   Thus it is clear that inmates are more at risk from staff than from inmates. Yet, you do not report staff on inmate violence on your website assault reports.


The Department of Justice released a report in 2009  looking at ways to prevent staff sexual abuse of prisoners since it is a crime to engage in any sexual contact with or without “consent”.  Such action puts the employee at risk of criminal charges and administrative discipline.  Such personnel have been found to have also engaged in other prohibited practices such as providing contraband, accepting bribes, and lying to investigators.  


The Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 (PREA) makes it a top priority for prison officials to prevent sexual abuse. Yet at the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), allegations of misconduct doubled from 2001-2008, faster than the growth of prisoners or personnel.  These allegations were at 92 of 93 BOP sites and against every occupational category except human resources.  The occupational categories that had the highest rates of allegations were food services, recreation, and education and vocational training. They also found that the majority of allegations (65 percent) involved accusations of criminal sexual abuse rather than non-criminal sexual misconduct.


They pointed out that simply segregating and then transferring victims can have negative impacts on them and reduce their willingness to report abuse again and to cooperate with investigations.  In effect, the institution was punishing the victim rather than the perpetrator.


Many of our complainants have stated the same problem.  When they refuse to house with a dangerous inmate, they are punished with an increase in their score, or sent to the special management units, resulting in inappropriate use of maximum security cells.  Such use of maximum-security cells would violate DOES v. Terry Stewart, CIV 96-0486 PHX WFN 13 July 2000.  Does was a class action of all protective segregation inmates and the DOC was permanently enjoined from transfer of protective segregation inmates to maximum security GP yards.


One part of the mandated plan included that “No inmate will ever be forced into general population.”  Many of complaints we have received are about being forced to remain in the general population after the inmate has reported an assault.   Nearly every one of these inmates was repeatedly assaulted while being denied 805 status.  


The plan specifies that even if there is no verified information suggesting a need for protection, or the victim cannot identify the attacker the staff has to investigate, evaluate and protect the victim.  That is not happening. (MR) Policy 805.1, 1.2.1.2 says that inability or unwillingness to identify the perpetrator cannot be the sole reason to exclude from protection.  Thus, obviously it is being used as one criteria, which is not permitted under PREA standards.


According to the agreement, every inmate who requires protection receives it at once and for as long as it is needed, they must be immediately placed in secure segregated housing, staff are required to use specified criteria in their assessment, each decision must be documented, well-reasoned and reviewed. In the MR case, the refusal simply states “no evidence” but shows no indication that any specified criteria were used or what investigation had been done.  That kind of blanket denial does not meet the requirement of a “well-reasoned” decision. In the MR case, apparently on appeal the committee said there were other options, but did not outline what those were.


The Department of Justice report made a series of recommendations including:  


Create an alternative to automatically isolating and transferring prisoners that allege abuse;


Develop procedures to ensure that victims receive appropriate psychological and medical assessments;


   Trainings for staff be updated and strengthened;


Policies and procedures be revised to give specific guidance on protocol to respond to sexual abuse allegations and for victim services;


   Regularly assess the implementation of the program.  


Male prison society obviously puts transgender and gender-variant prisoners with feminine characteristics at great risk.  Prison staff and authorities must share the blame as well because they create the conditions of confinement that foster and perpetuate this violent prison society, and even go so far as to collude with perpetrators to victimize LGBTI prisoners and others for whom they have particular disdain.  In fact, the famous case of Farmer v. Brennan, 511 U.S. 825 (1994) that created the “deliberate indifference” standard was on behalf of a transgender victim of physical and sexual assault.  


When officials do investigate allegations of sexual assault, they often disbelieve complaints reported by gay or bisexual prisoners, they often conclude no rape occurred if there are no wounds from a fight, they fail to provide medical care and counseling to the victim, and if they discipline the perpetrator, he often ends up back in the same housing area as the victim exposing the survivor to retaliation.  


Human Rights Watch (HRW) also found that prison staff tends to single out the LGBTI community for harassment.  Like BOP, HRW found that internal control procedures were lacking, victims were exposed to further harassment and retaliation, the process was riddled with conflict of interests and violations of confidentiality were rampant.  Clearly an outside panel is necessary to review procedures and audit results.


In addition to sexual assaults, LGBTI prisoners often receive homophobic and transphobic slurs and name calling, are forced to submit to demeaning and often public strip searches or nudity, receive disproportionate punishment for minor infractions of rules, are treated as sexual predators regardless of the underlying conviction and denied medical care.  In fact, prisoner AV at Lewis claims that he is harassed by officers and the deputy warden and is repeatedly subject to hostile remarks.  


While administrative segregation (ad-seg) provides some protection from other prisoners, they tend to house prisoners in even harsher and more restrictive conditions. Stigma also attaches to prisoners housed in medical wards, compounding their marginalization among other prisoners and exposing them to further persecution from prison staff.


Prisoners doing terms in ad-seg lose privileges they enjoyed in general population, endure harsher restrictions including reduced space in cells and in their exercise yards, and are isolated from direct contact with all other prisoners besides their cellmates, if they have one. Prisoners in isolation are also at risk from even more severe abuse by prison staff, because ad-seg prisoners are assumed to be more dangerous and because there are few others around to witness their misconduct.


Administrative segregation is therefore not an acceptable long-term solution to house LGBTI prisoners. Separate medical wards that do not additionally punish prisoners housed there can provide at least a temporary refuge for LGBTI prisoners but being housed in a medical ward still stigmatizes LGBTI prisoners as sick and diseased, a stereotype already widespread in this society. This can lead to further victimization by other prisoners and prison staff, since this society views stigmatized illnesses like HIV/AIDS (and supposed illnesses like transgenderism) as worthy of moral condemnation and ostracization.


One study of California prisoners found that 59 percent of transgender women housed in men’s prisons had been sexually abused while incarcerated, as compared to four percent of non-transgender inmates in men’s prisons. Making matters worse, transgender inmates often face prejudice and discrimination in the aftermath of an assault.  The majority of transgender survivors are subjected to repeated sexual assaults (as many of our complainants allege). Yet many remain silent to avoid transfer to solitary confinement where they are locked in a tiny cell for 23 hours a day and cut off from vital services and programs.


The knowledge that the LGBTI population is at particularly high risk of sexual assault in prisons is longstanding, pervasive, well-documented and expressly noted by prison officials in the past.  In fact, in DOES v. Terry Stewart, CIV 96-0486 PHX WFN 13 July 2000, a class action for the protection of protective segregation inmates, the current AZ DOC director, Charles Ryan, was deputy director at the time and was personally involved in  the plan and procedures and promised the court that he would continue to take personal interest in Protective Segregation issues.  In fact, he conducted the policy and operation review project to update staff and conducted training on it.    


Further, prisons officials across the state have received numerous administrative complaints about the sexual assaults and requests for 805 Protective Custody.  For example, Prisoner A was assaulted and states that it was documented in an incident report yet he was denied 805 status.  Prisoner B was raped and beaten at least three times, this was documented; yet he has been denied 805 status nine times.  Prisoner C was assaulted with attendant medical records; yet has been denied 805 several times.


Prisoner D was raped and assaulted and had to go to ER; yet has been denied 805 status twelve times.  Prisoner E was threatened, put in lockdown but denied 805 status numerous times.  Prisoner F received death threats and was put in lockdown but denied 805 status.  Prisoner G had to wait and re-apply for 805 after an assault.  Prisoner H petitioned for a year before he was granted 805 and was beaten several more times while waiting.  Prisoner I was denied 805 four times during which she was repeatedly assaulted.  


Physical assault is a reason for 805 status (805.02, 1.5.1) as is threats (805.02, 1.5.2) and sexual assault and threats (805.02, 1.5.3).  Change of gender is a consideration (805.02, 1.5.9) but nowhere is LGBI mentioned in the considerations.  805.02, 1.5.8 does mention size, build and age which could be used for some, but not all, LGBI prisoners.  Given the well-known and documented threat to the LGBI prisoners, it is imperative that 805.02 be revised to include LGBI.  


Recent events indicate LGBTI prisoners are not being protected in spite of knowledge of the danger.  In 2006, inmate DS filed a complaint with the FBI regarding repeated sexual harassment and assault. The FBI investigation revealed that the same guard she complained of had a history of complaints from other prisoners.  DS_2 was murdered for his homosexual relationship and a lawsuit against DOC is pending.  TS committed suicide because of the violence he was subjected to.  ArizonaPrisonWatch has communicated with the department on this issue regularly for years.  Most recently, Joseph Eldridge, # 14748 filed such a complaint against AZ DOC on April 30, 2013, 2:13-cv-00888-DGC-AFM alleging sexual victimization, physical assault and complicity by the guards.  


Many prisoners who report a sexual assault are subjected to insensitive questioning soon after the attack. Some staff responds to requests for help with indifference and jokes. Such inappropriate reactions can cause inmates to suffer so- called “second rape,” with an emotional impact equal to that of the sexual assault.


The lack of confidentiality means the prisoner is labeled a snitch risking further retaliation, and a reason for 805 status (805.02, 1.5.2). It is no wonder that prisoner rape is one of the nation’s most seriously under-reported crimes.  Prisoners need confidential counseling, comprehensive testing and treatment for STDs and housing options that protect them but do not restrict their access to programmatic and rehabilitative services.  Only then will victims feel free to report the abuse they suffer.


“Sexual abuse of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) inmates constitutes one of the most rampant and ignored human rights violations in the U.S. today.   In a 2007 academic study, funded by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation and conducted at six California men’s prisons, 67 percent of inmates who identified as LGBTQ reported having been sexually assaulted by another inmate during their incarceration, a rate that was 15 times higher than for the inmate population overall.  One study found that nearly 75 percent of prisoner rape survivors in men’s facilities and 57 percent of survivors in women’s facilities were sexually abused more than once, and 30 percent of all prisoner rape survivors endured six or more assaults. In the worst cases, gay and transgender prisoners become sex slaves, are treated like the perpetrators’ property, and sold to others within the facility.”


“For LGBTQ survivors, the trauma is heightened by the institutional apathy and homophobia they regularly face. Corrections staff tend to confuse homosexuality and transgender status with consent to rape, and trivialize the problem. LGBTQ inmates frequently describe officials ignoring or even laughing at reports of sexual violence. To make matters worse, LGBTQ inmates who report abuse are often subjected to further attacks, humiliating strip searches, and punitive segregation.”


Prisoner rape victims are highly vulnerable to contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases.  In 2004, the HIV prevalence rate inside U.S. prisons was more than four times higher than in society overall;  hepatitis C rates were 8 to 20 times higher; and chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis rates are likewise significantly higher. Ninety-five percent of prisoners are released to carry these diseases into the public.  Harm reduction measures such as condom distribution, which some prisons have, would go far towards reducing the infection rates.


You cannot deny knowledge of the problem by simply refusing to verify the facts or pretending not to connect the dots.  Given the voluminous information you have had about this problem over the years and the requirements of PREA, you clearly have both objective and subjective knowledge of the enormity of sexual violence occurring in Arizona prisons.


Standards for dealing with violence toward LGBTI prisoners.


In an overview of administrative segregation policies across the country, the researchers found that, “At the formal policy level, most permit placement in segregation based on a wide range of rationales. The elasticity suggests that administrative segregation may be used for goals other than incapacitation. In exchanges about our inquiry into administrative segregation, several commentators referred to the potential for its overuse based on what is colloquially known as being “mad” at a prisoner, as contrasted with being “scared” of that individual.”    It also seems that being LGBTQI is another category of prisoners in which administrative segregation is used because officials don’t “like” the prisoner.


Arizona is one of only twelve jurisdictions where an individual officer decides whether to place an inmate in administrative segregation.  A much better practice (thirty-one jurisdictions) a committee makes the decision and in two, a hearing officer makes a recommendation to a committee.  Arizona should consider changing its practice, to not have a committee review until after the deputy warden has made his suggestion, in conformity with the majority of states.


Arizona is only one of eight jurisdictions that do not specify that inmates can present evidence.  A much better practice is to follow the lead of the thirty jurisdictions that authorize inmates to present evidence by oral, written or documents and/or to call witnesses.  Arizona should revise its practice.


Arizona is one of twenty jurisdictions that do not specify if inmates can be represented at a hearing.  Again our policies lag behind those of other states and need to be updated


The majority of jurisdictions (30) require an initial review of administrative segregation within seven days, six states in three or less.  Nine states require a review within thirty days, two states require sixty days, and six states ninety days.  Arizona seems to be completely out of step with the rest of the nation in only requiring a review in six months.


The National Prison Rape Elimination Commission (NPREC or Commission) has developed national standards that will help eliminate prison rape and other forms of sexual abuse in confinement because, “Sexual abuse of people in confinement violates their basic human rights, impedes the likelihood of their successful reentry into the community, and violates the Government’s obligation to provide safe and humane conditions of confinement. No prison sentence, regardless of the crime, should ever include rape. A core priority of any confinement facility must be safety, which means protecting the safety of all—the public, the staff, and the inmate population.” The Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) of 2003 requires agencies to comply with the national standards proposed by the Commission and approved and promulgated by the Attorney General to eliminate sexual abuse in confinement or suffer a loss in funding.  National Former Prisoner Survey, 2008


On May 17, 2012, the U.S. Department of Justice released national standards aimed at eliminating sexual abuse in prisons, jails, youth detention facilities, halfway houses, and police lock-ups as mandated by the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) of 2003. They require that corrections facilities take concrete steps to protect inmates from sexual abuse – whether perpetrated by staff or by inmates.  The standards cover prevention and response planning, training, education and screening, detection and response including reporting, investigation, discipline, and medical care, monitoring including data collection and audits, and a number of supplemental standards and appendices dealing with responsibility of medical examiners, training, data collection, and needs assessment. The standards became applicable to the states in August 2013.  


The standards recognize the importance of outside agencies in supporting efforts to reduce sexual abuse in prisons which is why PREA standards require that corrections agencies have to work with community groups.  Institutions have to provide inmates with contact information, reasonable communication possibilities in as confidential a manner as possible and disclosure when the communication is not confidential.  The existing AZ DOC inmate brochure regarding PREA and Sexual Assault does not have such contact information.


Victims must be provided with timely access to medical treatment, crisis intervention services, and ongoing medical and mental care.  The standards require a coordinated response, a forensic exam by a qualified person, evidence collecting protocols that meet national standards, that the victim have access to emotional support, information and referrals, treatment for sexually transmitted infections and for women, emergency contraception.  These services are mandatory on state and local facilities whether or not the victim can or will name the perpetrator.  In 805.01, 1.2.1.2 it states that the inability or unwillingness to name the perpetrator may not be the sole reason to exclude the prisoner from protective custody; however, under the PREA standard, they must be given the full benefit of victims services.  


Illinois spent ten years revising their policy toward transgender prisoners in order to avoid a costly lawsuit.   The new guidelines require a psychiatric assessment of how vulnerable or predatory a transgender inmate is when considering placement.  It also updates the role of the Gender Identity Disorder committee that addresses placement, security concerns and medical treatment.  During the assessment period (usually a month) the inmate is placed in a single cell without a roommate and showers alone.  


In 2002, the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) and the city of San Francisco Human Rights Commission created a protocol for housing transgender inmates safely and humanely in correctional setting.   Among other procedures, these protocols allow inmates to choose the gender of the person who searches them, respects objections of an inmate to pairing with a certain cellmate for fear of assault, allows complaints out of the chain of command so inmates don’t have to file the complaint with the abuser, and includes outside independent monitoring.  


Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA)


PREA requirements apply to all detention facilities, including federal and state prisons, jails, police lock-ups, private facilities, and immigration detention centers. PREA requires that facilities adopt a zero-tolerance approach to this form of abuse and states that sexual assault in detention can constitute a violation of the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.


The institution must prevent sexual abuse by, among other things, maintaining a zero-tolerance policy toward sexual abuse, designating a PREA point person, screening inmates for risk, documenting adequate staffing, training employees including about the unique vulnerabilities of the LGBTI inmates, not hiring abusers, preventing juveniles from being housed with adults, banning cross-gender pat-downs and examinations solely to determine genital status, preventing improper viewing by opposite sex staff, restricting the use of solitary confinement as a means of protecting vulnerable inmates, and working with outside entities that adhere to these policies.  


The standards require that inmates be screened for risk of being sexually abused or sexually abusive and that screening information be used to inform housing, bed, work, education, and program assignments. The goal is to keep inmates at high risk of victimization away from those at high risk of committing abuse. Upon learning of an allegation of abuse, staff must separate the alleged victim and abuser and take steps to preserve evidence. Nowhere in your 805 policy is the preservation of evidence noted. However, facilities may not simply place victims in segregated housing against their will unless a determination has been made that there is no available alternative means of separation, and even then only under specified conditions and with periodic reassessment.


The institution must detect abuse by making inmates aware of the policy, must facilitate multiple and third-party reporting options, must prevent retaliation, and must assist those with disabilities and limited English. In addition, transgender and intersex inmates must be given the opportunity to shower separately from other inmates.


The agency may not impose a time limit on when an inmate may submit a grievance regarding sexual abuse. According to PREA standards, a grievance system cannot be the only method and should not be the primary method for inmates to report abuse.  You must have multiple internal reporting mechanisms as well as an external reporting structure for such complaints.  The standards require that agencies provide at least two internal reporting avenues, and at least one way to report abuse to a public or private entity or office that is not part of the agency and that can allow inmates to remain anonymous upon request. An agency must also provide a way for third parties to report such abuse on behalf of an inmate.


The institution must respond to sexual abuse by timely and appropriate medical and mental health care, if possible access to victim advocates from rape crisis centers outside or if not, have a trained person inside, establish evidence protocol, investigate all allegations with a preponderance of the evidence standard, discipline staff with termination as presumptive sanction for staff who commit sexual abuse, discipline inmates only when they are the perpetrators of abuse, allow inmates opportunity to file grievances regarding sexual abuse, maintain records of incidents of abuse and use those records to inform future prevention planning.  


The Policy Review and Developmental Guide has a very useful series of questions about each PREA standard and whether your policy complies.  It would be a very good place to start to revise your policies and operations to implement the requirements of PREA.


You have alleged that you do not keep records of sexual assault based on LGBTI status.  According to PREA, in collecting data on sexual incidents, the facility “shall consider whether the incident or allegation was motivated by ... gender identity; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex identification, status, or perceived status ... or was motivated or otherwise caused by other group dynamics at the facility.” Given this requirement, what is the Arizona DOCs plan for gathering such statistics to comply with PREA?


The standards require that each facility be audited every three years to assess compliance. Those that do not comply with the standards are subject to a five percent reduction in funds they would otherwise receive for prison purposes from the department unless the governor certifies that five percent of such funds will be used to enable compliance in future years.  The first year of the PREA non-compliance penalty period is fiscal year 2014, which will commence on October 1, 2013, and end on September 30, 2014.  The standard for prisons can be found at 28 C.F.R. §§ 115.11 – 115.93.


Because the PREA requires the Bureau of Justice Statistics to carry out a comprehensive statistical review and analysis of the incidence and effects of prison rape for every calendar year, BJS developed the National Prison Rape Statistics Program (NPRSP), a series designed to collect multiple measures on the incidence and prevalence of sexual assault. This would also be a program model for Arizona.


NPRSP includes four separate data collection efforts: the Survey on Sexual Violence (SSV), the National Inmate Survey (NIS), the National Survey of Youth in Custody (NSYC), and the National Former Prisoner Survey (NFPS). Each of these collections is an independent effort and, while not directly comparable, provide various measures of the prevalence and characteristics of sexual assault in correctional facilities. Incidents reported to or observed by correctional or medical officials collected in the SSV administrative records survey may be an under-representation of actual incidents.


Allegations made anonymously by inmates and youth in the NIS, NSYC, and FPS may be an over-representation of actual incidents, although it is possible this over-reporting is offset by some victims who, despite the protocols enacted to assure confidentiality and encourage reporting, remain fearful of retribution or ridicule and fail to report sexual victimization. By using more than one method and measure, the data collections can together provide a deeper understanding of sexual victimization in correctional facilities. These would certainly be good tools for Arizona and would be compatible for use with the national statistics.


In order to comply with PREA, AZ DOC must realize that LGBTI people in detention are particularly at risk of sexual abuse as shown from government and academic studies and statistics from the Bureau of Justice Studies. Transgender people are at especially high risk needing more protection in both male and female prisons (citations omitted).   What is required is individualized classifications, individualized medical determinations,


and no protective segregation that constitutes a denial of the same privileges and programs as other prisoners.   Staff must distinguish between sex abuse and consensual behavior.  Consensual behavior can be prohibited but it cannot be punished like sexual abuse.


Use of Administrative Segregation


Since lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) individuals—both adults and youth—under custodial supervision are one of the groups most at risk for abuse,  “corrections administrators need to do more to identify those who are vulnerable and protect them in ways that do not leave them isolated and without access to rehabilitative programming.” Administrative segregation, and the ensuing isolation from the general population for purposes of “safety,” often exacerbates mental health conditions such as depression or gender dysphoria. In addition, isolation from the general population often means limited or no access to programming, regular visitation, or health care, all of which are necessary for LGBTI populations. Likewise, data suggest that special population units (such as those on Rikers Island and the San Francisco County Jail) have not kept inmates who identify as LGBTI any safer.”


Although it is permissible to place vulnerable inmates in administrative segregation in some circumstances, agency officials will not be able to rely on this measure as long-term protection for LGBTI inmates.  Agency officials may, however, segregate LGBTI inmates as a temporary measure when there are specific circumstances, such as upon admission (while determining an appropriate long-term placement) or immediately following an assault and during a pending investigation.


The final PREA standards require adult prisons and jails to conduct an intake screening within 72 hours of an inmate’s arrival to assess that inmate’s risk for sexual victimization or abuse. Inmates may not be disciplined for refusing to answer questions and may not be placed in areas based solely on their identification or status except under legal order.  The institution must decide on a case-by-case how best to protect the inmate and that includes taking into account the inmates views.  Placements must be assessed at least twice a year.


Legal Context


Farmer v. Brennan, 511 U.S. 825, 829 (1994) established that rape is not part of the penalty of any prisoner.  Farmer was a transgender prisoner placed in a male prison, the very kind of prisoner most at risk.  While prisons are not mandated to be comfortable, they must be reasonably safe and the conditions under which prisoners live are subject to scrutiny under the Eighth Amendment.  (p. 832) That prison officials have a duty to protect prisoners from violence at the hands of other prisoners and staff is well settled constitutional law.


Farmer established the “deliberate indifference” standard for inmate health and safety.  (p. 836-7)  To consciously disregard a substantial risk of serious harm meets that standard when a prison official acts or fails to act despite his knowledge of the substantial risk of serious harm. (p. 842) While the requisite knowledge of the substantial risk is a question of fact, inference can be made from circumstantial evidence, and a factfinder can conclude that a prison knew of a substantial risk from the very fact that the risk was obvious.  When the risk is longstanding, pervasive, well-documented or expressly noted by the prison officials in the past e.g. because of prior law suits, outside organization advocacy and a multitude of inmate grievances, then that official had actual knowledge.  (p. 843)  Farmer specifically mentions inmate rape as being so common and uncontrolled that it is obvious, and it does not matter if officials know precisely who will rape who.  (p. 844) The right of prisoners to be free from assault is well established and qualified immunity will not apply under either the Eighth Amendment or 42 U.S.C. §1983.  Schwenk v. Hartford et al, 204 F. 3d 1187 (9th Cir. 2000), Powell v. Schriver, 175 F.3d 107 (2d Cir. 1999).  


Nor can a LGBTI prisoner be routinely placed in administrative segregation without procedural safeguards.  Enomoto v. Wright, 434 U.S. 1052, 98 S. Ct. 1223, 55 L. Ed. 2d 756 (1978). Segregation of LGBTI inmates can be done for protection, under review and when the person is not denied access to all programs or services.  Estate of DiMarco v. Wyoming Dept. of Corr., 473 F.3d 1334, 1342–43 (10th Cir. 2007)  Corrections officials must create an appropriate intake classification scheme to identify and house LGBTI inmates rather than segregating them.  Gay Inmates of Shelby County v. Barksdale, 819 F.2d 289 (6th Cir. 1987)  Such isolation violates Fourteenth Amendment due process.  RG v. Koller, 415 F. Supp. 2d 1129 (D. Haw. 2006)  and Eighth Amendment rights, McCray v. Burrell, 516 F.2d 357 (4th Cir. 1975).   Long term segregation from the general population also violates due process rights.  DiMarco v. Wyoming Dep’t of Corrections, 300 F. Supp. 2d 1183 (D. Wyo. 2004) Blanket policies are not acceptable especially when they involve harsh conditions.  Tates v. Blanas, 2003 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 26029 (E.D. Cal. Mar. 6, 2003) This policy is reinforced in the PREA standards.


At the same time, prison officials cannot remain indifferent to the special vulnerability of LGBTI inmates and the harm facing them.   Taylor v. Michigan DOC, 69 F.3d 76 (6th Cir. 1995) To do so opens the prison to damages especially when the prisoner is housed with a known predatory inmate, Greene v. Bowles, 361 F.3d 290 (6th Cir. 2004) as at least one prisoner has alleged. Deliberate indifference will be found when prison officials continue to house a gay person in the general population, where he was gang raped and sold as a sex slave for over 18 months. Johnson v. Johnson, 385 F.3d 503, 527 (5th Cir. 2004)


At least three prisoners have complained of repeated assaults as they applied and re-applied for 805 status. A prisoner still retains constitutional protections. Wolff v. McDonnell, 418 U.S. 539, 555, 94 S.Ct. 2963, 2974, 41 L.Ed.2d 935 (1974).  Ignoring the risks to transgender inmates by housing them with male inmates, after being advised to house with females, is a constitutional violation.  The safety or the prisoner outweighs other interests.  Crosby v. Reynolds, 763 F. Supp. 666 (D. Me. 1991)


Conclusion


It is also well established that no one, including prisoners, may be discriminated against because of who they are rather than what they do.   Robinson v. California, 370 U.S. 660 (1962) Further, prisoners retain rights not inconsistent with their status as a prisoner.  Turner v. Saffley, 482 U.S. 78 (1986)  Treating LGBTI prisoners differently based on their status as LGBTI violates constitutional norms. See Doe v. Sparks, 733 F. Supp. 227 (W.D. Pa. 1990) regarding denying same-sex partners visitation rights.  Arizona has had its own challenge regarding the denial of same-sex kissing and hugging among nonfamily members during prison visits, Whitmire v. Arizona, 298 F.3d 1134 (9th Cir. 2002).  Blanket discriminatory policies applied to the LGBTI community will not withstand scrutiny.   As PREA requires, individualized assessment is mandated.


Because of our concerns we are asking to meet and discuss with you ways to move forward and ensure constitutional and real protection for all inmates, especially LGBTI.  We are concerned about PREA compliance including statistics and training, ensuring a multitude of complaint paths including outside the prison, modification of 805 language to include LGBTI as a factor, and moving to national standards with a committee making the first decision on 805 status, a more frequent review of PC placements and an outside audit.  We would also like to explore harm reduction measures such as condom distribution for health protection.


We are also concerned that ADOC is no longer in compliance with Does v. Stewart.  We believe that an inquiry into compliance by the previously appointed prison expert for the Does case, Steve Martin, should be funded by ADOC including an audit of maximum-security cells and use of such cells for 805 prisoners who are LGBTI.


We appreciate hearing from you within two weeks.  Thank you for your consideration.


Sincerely,


Arizona Prisoner Justice Working Group
Dianne Post, Attorney, Legal Redress, Maricopa County Branch NAACP
Margaret Jean Plews, Arizona Prison Watch / Survivors of Prison Violence-AZ
Margie Diddams, ASU Doctoral Candidate / Prisoners Are People


Cc:  Larry Hammond, Attorney
      Dan Pochoda, Legal Director, ACLU of Arizona
      Plaintiff’s counsel on Does v. Stewart
      Calvin Lee, Staff Attorney, Navajo Nation Human Rights Commission
      Varvara Phillips, Investigator, Navajo Nation Human Rights Commission
      Antonia D'Orsay (This Is How)